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1TV Afghanistan Dari News – July 10, 2021

10th July, 2021 · admin

Posted in News in Dari (Persian/Farsi) |

Iran cheers U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan — but fears what could follow

10th July, 2021 · admin

Washington Post: As Western forces exit Afghanistan, Iran is watching with alarm. The resolution of one long-standing aim, the withdrawal of U.S. troops, is unleashing a separate challenge: what to do about the Taliban, another longtime problem for Iran, swiftly regaining power and territory next door. Click here to read more (external link).

Posted in Iran-Afghanistan Relations, Refugees and Migrants, Security, Taliban, US-Afghanistan Relations |

COVID-19: 813 New Cases, 86 Deaths Reported in Afghanistan

10th July, 2021 · admin

Tolo News: The Ministry of Public Health on Saturday reported 813 new positive cases of COVID-19 out of 2,855 samples tested in the last 24 hours. Data by the Public Health Ministry shows that the total number of cases is 133,578, total deaths stand at 5,724 and total recoveries are at 80,204. Click here to read more (external link).

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Posted in Health News | Tags: Coronavirus (COVID-19) in Afghanistan |

Experts Fear Afghanistan Will Remain Fertile Ground for Terrorism

10th July, 2021 · admin
ISIS in Afghanistan

ISIS members in Afghanistan – photo by PBS

Jeff Seldin
VOA News
July 9, 2021

WASHINGTON – With U.S. and coalition combat troops all but gone from Afghanistan, Western officials are preparing to face down terrorist threats with the promise of “over-the-horizon” capabilities that may be ill-suited to the danger that groups such as al-Qaida and Islamic State currently pose.

U.S. officials, both publicly and privately, insist both terror groups are a shadow of their former selves. Al-Qaida, they say, commands maybe several hundred fighters across Afghanistan, while the Islamic State’s Afghan affiliate, IS-Khorasan, has slightly more.

And while IS-Khorasan has claimed responsibility for several high-profile attacks, especially in urban areas, intelligence and humanitarian officials say that both groups are unlikely to do anything that would make them an easy target for U.S. bombers or drones flying into Afghanistan from afar.

“Al-Qaida, probably for the foreseeable future, is probably going to tie its fortunes very closely with the Taliban,” one Western counterterrorism official told VOA.

“They’re going to want to reassure the Taliban that they’re not going to embarrass them,” the official added, speaking on the condition of anonymity in order to discuss sensitive intelligence matters. “They’re going to want to keep Afghanistan a place from which they can recruit, train.”

Islamic State’s reach

IS-Khorasan, which no longer holds territory in Afghanistan, as it once did, has also been laying the foundation for a revival.

“IS-Khorasan is not done and is an organization that still has the potential to gain in strength in spite of the recent difficulties that it’s faced,” the counterterrorism official said. “You can see certain circumstances in which IS-Khorasan could grow stronger, may attract additional fighters, and may gain additional freedom of action.”

Observers in the region warn that IS-Khorasan has also begun looking beyond Afghanistan itself and is attempting to gain footholds in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and parts of Tajikistan.

One humanitarian official in Central Asia, who asked that their name be withheld due to fears they could be targeted, told VOA that the focus was on “more quality and less numbers.”

“They are building local infrastructure for the recruitment, logistics, economic support, economic infrastructure to support that,” the official said. “At the moment, they have a need to recruit more IT-savvy guys, rather than just a regular soldier who’s ready to become a suicide bomber.”

Such concerns are being echoed by both U.S. and Central Asian officials.

A Pentagon report issued this past April called the expansion of IS-Khorasan “a top concern” for Afghanistan’s neighbors, adding that the terror group was “creating the potential for destabilization.”

U.S. intelligence likewise believes there is reason to worry, given that IS-Khorasan “has historically attracted some of its recruits from Central Asian countries,” according to one official who asked not to be identified in order to discuss intelligence matters.

Regional stability

Central Asian countries “are prioritizing regional security and stability by pursuing regional cooperation and improving their counterterrorism capabilities and border security,” the official added.

Uzbekistan’s ambassador to the United States, Javlon Vakhabov, confirmed to VOA that his country remains “very interested” in working with Washington to strengthen border security, with an eye toward stemming the spread of IS-Khorasan.

“We have always been concerned about such recruitments,” Vakhabov said. “They have devastative multiplicative influence not only to the recruited but also to his/her families and children.”

Other Central Asian officials also have been talking with the U.S. about securing their borders as the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan comes to an end, with the foreign ministers of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan engaging in meetings at the State Department and the Pentagon earlier this month.

“Afghanistan’s neighbors share our interest in a stable Afghanistan and countering terrorist threats,” a State Department official told VOA.

Yet getting an accurate understanding of those threats is only going to get more difficult now that U.S. forces in Afghanistan are mostly reduced to a presence in the capital of Kabul and a contingent at Kabul airport.

Intelligence challenges

CIA Director Bill Burns warned lawmakers in April that withdrawing from Afghanistan would hamper his agency’s ability to collect intelligence. “That’s simply a fact,” he said at the time.

And already there are growing discrepancies when it comes to assessing the strength of terror groups such as IS-Khorasan.

U.S. officials have put the number of IS-Khorasan fighters at several hundred. But intelligence shared by United Nations member states suggests the tally may be much higher, with a core group of 1,500 to 2,200 fighters in Afghanistan’s Kunar and Nangarhar provinces.

“Their recruitment has also expanded well beyond their traditional original appeal in far eastern Afghanistan,” according to Andrew Watkins, a senior Afghanistan analyst with International Crisis Group.

“Cells of Islamic State affiliates now appear to operate within Kabul, Parwan and Baghlan provinces, and perhaps elsewhere in the country,” he said. “What was once a group rooted in cells of displaced Pakistani militants has taken root in a range of communities or individuals sympathetic to Salafism.”

Reports of Afghan security forces taking down large IS-Khorasan cells around Mazar-e-Sharif, in Balkh province, suggest the numbers could be higher still. And there are few estimates for IS-Khorasan numbers in neighboring countries.

Despite intelligence suggesting IS-Khorasan is rebounding from substantial losses — some inflicted at the hands of the Taliban — some counterterrorism officials are wary.

Russia

“While it would be risky to be complacent about IS-Khorasan, it’s not credible to be alarmist about them,” the Western counterterrorism official told VOA.

Some countries, however, appear to be sounding an alarm.

“It is important to shine the spotlight on Afghanistan, where IS members are actively concentrating their forces,” Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov told the Tass news agency last week. “IS is actively acquiring territories — mostly in Northern Afghanistan, right on the borders of countries that are our allies.”

Officials from various agencies and organizations who spoke to VOA are not convinced, with one arguing that such claims are likely just a “bluff.”

“The Russian Federation is seeking ways where they could put up the Russian Federation flag within Central Asia, in a strategic place, using narratives like ISIS-Khorasan creating a problem to Central Asia as a region,” the official said.

Taliban and terror groups

Ultimately, the fate of terror groups such as al-Qaida and IS-Khorasan may depend on how the Taliban, now in control of a growing number of districts across Afghanistan, choose to respond.

A recent report by the United Nations, based on member state intelligence, found that despite promises by Afghan Taliban leaders to sever ties with al-Qaida, the opposite appears to be true.

The Taliban and al-Qaida core “show no indications of breaking ties,” the report found, adding that the Taliban are playing host to possibly hundreds of members of al-Qaida in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) in Kandahar, Helmand and Nimruz provinces.

AQIS is such an integral part of the Taliban insurgency, the assessment found, that “it would be difficult, if not impossible, to separate it from its Taliban allies.”

Some intelligence agencies and counterterrorism officials have also argued that despite being natural enemies, the Taliban are at least for now finding ways to use IS-Khorasan to their advantage.

Specifically, they say there have been signs the Taliban have used the semi-autonomous Haqqani terrorist network, which itself commands up to 10,000 fighters, to help plan and direct IS-Khorasan attacks against Afghan government targets in Kabul.

Some counterterrorism officials believe such a relationship could prove useful to the Taliban in multiple ways. It would allow the Taliban to further weaken the Afghan government. Occasional crackdowns on IS-Khorasan would also allow the Taliban to claim they trying to make good on their agreement to not allow terrorist groups to use Afghanistan as a base for operations against the West.

US counterterrorism

For now, U.S officials insist whatever threat al-Qaida or IS-Khorasan pose outside of Afghanistan can be handled from afar.

“We are developing a counterterrorism ‘over-the-horizon’ capability that will allow us to keep our eyes firmly fixed on any direct threats to the United States in the region and act quickly and decisively if needed,” U.S. President Joe Biden said Thursday, defending his decision to pull U.S. forces from Afghanistan after nearly two decades of war.

“The goal was deter, dismantle and defeat al-Qaida, and that has been accomplished,” Pentagon press secretary John Kirby told reporters later that same day.

“That doesn’t mean there aren’t still al-Qaida operatives or cells in Afghanistan,” Kirby added. “But they are nothing like the organization they were on 9/11, 20 years ago.”

The VOA Uzbek Service’s Navbahor Imamova contributed to this report.

Posted in Al-Qaeda, Anti-Government Militants, Central Asia, ISIS/DAESH, Russia-Afghanistan Relations, Security, Taliban, US-Afghanistan Relations |

Oxfam Names Afghanistan As Hunger ‘Hot Spot’ Amid World Famine Rise

9th July, 2021 · admin

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
July 9, 2021

The international charity Oxfam says 11 people around the world die of hunger each minute of every day, well above the global death rate of COVID-19, with war making Afghanistan one of “the worst hunger hot spots.”

Oxfam said in a report on hunger, published on July 9, that 155 million people around the world are now living in crisis levels of food insecurity or worse, an increase of some 20 million from last year.

It added that around two-thirds of these people are going hungry primarily because their country is in war and conflict, including Afghanistan, where 13.2 million people, or 42 percent of the population, were in “crisis-level hunger or worse,” making it the third-most food-insecure nation in the world.

“A year and a half since the pandemic began, deaths from hunger are outpacing the virus,” the report said, noting that the COVID-19 global death rate is around seven people per minute.

“Ongoing conflict, combined with the economic disruptions of the pandemic and an escalating climate crisis, has deepened poverty and catastrophic food insecurity in the world’s hunger hotspots and established strongholds in new epicentres of hunger,” it added.

Oxfam urged governments to end conflicts that are helping spawn “catastrophic hunger” and to ensure conditions that allow relief agencies to reach those in need.

Meanwhile, wealthier nations should “immediately and fully” fund the U.N.’s efforts to alleviate hunger, the report said.

Contributing to the crisis is a 40 percent rise in global food prices — the highest in over a decade — due to climate change and the coronavirus pandemic.

“Our warming climate is increasing the frequency and intensity of weather-related disasters such as storms, floods, and droughts,” the report said. “Despite this, governments have delayed action to tackle the climate crisis to focus instead on the pandemic.”

Oxfam said Afghanistan was a prime example of how conflict, climate, and the coronavirus pandemic — what the charity calls the three Cs — have exacerbated the hunger crisis.

It said a second wave of the virus, compounded by a surge in violence due to the U.S. troop withdrawal, resulted in a major loss of business, informal employment, massive human displacements, and a sharp drop in remittances. Furthermore, drought has further devastated local crops.

“Today, the country remains the third-most food insecure in the world…Two million more people have gone to bed hungry since last year. The number of people in need of humanitarian assistance has soared sixfold in four years,” it noted.

Copyright (c) 2021. RFE/RL, Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave NW, Ste 400, Washington DC 20036.
Posted in Economic News, Everyday Life | Tags: Poverty |

Why Both Russians and Americans Got Nowhere in Afghanistan

9th July, 2021 · admin

Bloomberg: If you’re not going anywhere no matter what happens, or what price you’re forced to pay, you can outlast superpowers – The story of two superpower invasions of Afghanistan is all about the similarities that end up erasing the undeniable differences. Click here to read more (external link).

Posted in History, Opinion/Editorial, Russia-Afghanistan Relations, Security, US-Afghanistan Relations | Tags: Soviet-Afghan War |

Ismail Khan Mobilizes Hundreds in Herat to Crush Taliban

9th July, 2021 · admin

Ismail Khan

Tolo News: Mohammad Ismail Khan, a former mujahideen leader and a senior member of Jamiat-e-Islami party, has mobilized hundreds of his loyalists in Herat province in the west of Afghanistan to fight the Taliban as the group continues to capture large swaths of territories across the country. Click here to read more (external link).

Posted in Security, Taliban | Tags: Afghan resistance against Taliban, Herat, Ismail Khan |

Once A Bastion Of Taliban Resistance, Afghanistan’s Badakhshan On Brink Of Falling To Militants

9th July, 2021 · admin

Frud Bezhan
Mustafa Sarwar
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
July 9, 2021

FAIZABAD, Afghanistan — Afghanistan’s vast and remote northern province of Badakhshan — which straddles the borders with Pakistan, China, and Tajikistan — was once a bastion of resistance to the Taliban and never conquered by the extremist Islamist group during its five years in power.

From its bases in Badakhshan and the neighboring Panjshir and Takhar provinces, the Northern Alliance resisted the brutal rule of the Taliban, which had captured around 90 percent of Afghanistan by 2001.

But 20 years later, Badakhshan is on the verge of falling completely to the militant group, which has seized large swaths of the northern countryside as foreign forces depart the country.

During a blistering offensive in recent weeks, the Taliban is reported to have seized control of 26 of Badakhshan’s 28 districts and encircled the provincial capital, Faizabad.

Fear and panic are rife in the city. Flights to and from it have been suspended and business has ground to a halt. The government in Kabul has responded by deploying hundreds of Afghan special forces and pro-government militiamen to reinforce the city of some 30,000 people.

“The situation is very worrying,” says Fereshtah Hamraz, a 34-year-old female resident of Faizabad. “The Taliban has reached the gates of the city. The airport is under threat and we cannot leave by air or land.”

Murid Azimi, who owns a retail store in the city, says the uncertainty is sinking business. “Insecurity has increased a lot,” he says. “People are not buying anything and businesses are suffering.”

The militants have overrun about one-third of the country’s approximately 400 districts since the start of the international military withdrawal on May 1.

The Taliban’s gains on the battlefield have fueled fears that it could topple the internationally recognized government and overrun the country’s much-maligned security forces, which will lose crucial U.S. air support once all foreign troops depart by August 31.

Fear Of Repressive Laws

Women fear that the Taliban will reimpose in Faizabad many of the repressive laws and retrograde policies that defined its 1996-2001 rule.

The Taliban severely curtailed girls’ education during its rule. It also forced women to cover themselves from head to toe, banned them from working outside the home, and required them to be accompanied by a male relative when they left their homes.

“As a woman, I’m afraid of losing the freedoms and rights that we have secured in the past 20 years,” says Asefa Karimi, a civil activist in Faizabad. “If the Taliban takes over Faizabad I will not be able to work or study.”

Karimi says the militants have reimposed many of their restrictions on women in districts they now control in Badakhshan.

“I also fear that they might kill me,” she adds. “I’m a public figure. I have been interviewed and shown on television. If I’m a target, my family is in danger, too.”

In the past year, the Taliban has killed scores of activists, journalists, and public figures, including dozens of women, in a campaign of targeted killings and assassinations.

Rights groups say the killings are intended to silence and intimidate independent voices and civil society in Afghanistan, which has made inroads on women’s rights and free speech since the U.S.-led invasion in 2001 toppled the Taliban regime.

Internal Refugees

The Taliban’s relentless march through Badakhshan has displaced thousands of people.

More than 2,000 Afghan civilians and security personnel have fled to Tajikistan as of July 9, where there are fears of an impending major influx of refugees.

Several thousand families from districts across the province have also sought refuge in Faizabad. Some live in crammed houses with other families. Others live in the open, including in public parks, as local authorities struggle to provide them with food and shelter.

“We had to leave all of our clothes and belongings in our village,” says Begum, a 46-year-old mother of six who escaped the Yaftali Sufla district about 10 days ago after it was overrun by the Taliban.

“We now live in a rented house with four other families,” she says. “The government hasn’t helped us at all so far.”

Abdul Wahid Taibi, the head of the provincial department for refugees and returnees, said local authorities had documented the arrival of over 2,000 families to Faizabad in the past two weeks.

But he said aid packages including clothes, food, and basic cooking utensils had been distributed to only a fraction of them.

“We received two loaves of bread yesterday,” says Masoumah, a woman from the Yaftali Sufla district who lives in a dilapidated house with four other family members in Faizabad. “But we are five people. What can I give them to eat? We have no food.”

This story was written in Prague based on reporting by Radio Azadi correspondents in Afghanistan. Their names are being withheld for security reasons.

Copyright (c) 2021. RFE/RL, Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave NW, Ste 400, Washington DC 20036.

Related

  • Taliban Impose New Restrictions on Women, Media In Afghanistan’s North
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Posted in Afghan Women, Civilian Injuries and Deaths, Human Rights, Media, Security, Taliban, US-Afghanistan Relations | Tags: Badakhshan, Displaced, Freedom of Speech, Taliban ethnically cleansing Northern Afghanistan |

1TV Afghanistan Dari News – July 9, 2021

9th July, 2021 · admin

Posted in News in Dari (Persian/Farsi) |

US Reflects on End of Its ‘Forever War’

9th July, 2021 · admin

US soldiers (file photo)

Rob Garver
VOA News
July 8, 2021

As the United States prepares to pull the last of its troops from Afghanistan, most recently abruptly turning over Bagram Airfield to Afghan authorities, the journey the U.S. has taken from the beginning of its longest war to what appears to be its end is one that many Americans would just as soon forget.

Since 2001, 2,448 Americans have died in the conflict. American researchers at Brown University estimate that 241,000 people have been killed in war zones in Pakistan and Afghanistan over that period, including 71,000 civilians.

The U.S. poured $2 trillion into trying to rebuild the country in the image of a Western democracy, but public opinion surveys now indicate a clear majority of Americans back President Joe Biden’s decision to leave Afghanistan. More than one in three say they believe the war there cannot be won.

“The [American] public has not really cared about this war that much for a long time,” Michael O’Hanlon, a senior fellow and director of research in foreign policy at the Brookings Institution, told VOA. “Ever since roughly the overthrow of the Taliban in late 2001, this war just hasn’t mattered to that many people that much of the time. And the only time that was talked about very much in presidential politics was probably the 2008 presidential election. But it was not even a point of disagreement.”

Success seemed possible

On October 8, it will be a full 20 years since Americans across the country awoke to newspaper headlines announcing, “U.S. Strikes Back,” and coverage of a massive overnight air assault on targets in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. It had been less than a month since teams of al-Qaida terrorists hijacked four American jetliners on 9/11, crashing two into the World Trade Center in Manhattan, one into the Pentagon and one into a Pennsylvania field, killing 2,996 people in total.

Over the following weeks, Americans watched as the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which had provided a safe haven for al-Qaida and its leader, Osama bin Laden, was routed by a combination of U.S. air power and an alliance of Afghan tribal militias.

By November, the Taliban had been driven from the country’s major cities: Mazar-e-Sharif, Herat, Kabul, Jalalabad. On December 5, with U.S. support, an interim government of Afghanistan was formed, led by Hamid Karzai. Days later, the Taliban’s last major stronghold in the southern city of Kandahar surrendered, and Mullah Omar, the group’s founder and leader, fled into hiding.

Americans were treated to romantic stories of bushy-bearded U.S. special forces operators who called in airstrikes while on horseback on the arid plains of northern Afghanistan.

At the time, it still seemed possible to imagine that the United States’ venture into Afghanistan would end with the brutally oppressive Taliban regime replaced with a Western-friendly democratic state that would serve as an example to people around the world as an alternative to extremism.

Dark chapter in US history

The two decades that followed the initial invasion of Afghanistan reflected a different reality.

Since U.S. boots first hit the ground, troop levels in the country have risen, dropped and risen again as efforts to install a durable, democratically elected government butted up against continuing suicide attacks and armed resistance by the Taliban and internecine squabbling among the United States’ nominal allies in the country. Over time, the Taliban regrouped and U.S. strategy evolved into a long-term counterinsurgency effort.

At the same time, the U.S. was forced to confront disturbing realities about its own policies.

Early in the war, the U.S. created a prison camp in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where U.S. troops held “enemy combatants” captured in Afghanistan, affording them neither due process rights nor the protections of the Geneva Conventions.

Rendition and torture

Over the next few years, the American public got the first hints of the extent to which the U.S. was using extralegal methods to capture and interrogate prisoners both in Afghanistan and elsewhere. They learned of the “extraordinary rendition” of suspects to “black sites” in countries where torture was commonplace and, in some cases, to places under U.S. control, like Bagram Airfield, outside Kabul.

Then came secret memos from the Department of Justice that purportedly cleared American officials themselves to use techniques such as waterboarding, commonly understood to be torture, to extract information from prisoners.

Even as it fought to defend itself against accusations that it had betrayed its own ideals, the U.S. launched another war, gathering allies to invade Iraq and destroy the weapons of mass destruction that the administration of President George W. Bush incorrectly insisted Iraqi strongman Saddam Hussein was hiding.

Afghanistan as afterthought

As the Iraq war raged, the focus of the U.S. public on Afghanistan faded. In part, said O’Hanlon of the Brookings Institution, that is an ironic artifact of the war’s initial popularity.

“There was overwhelming support in the fall of 2001 to punish the Taliban severely, even if we didn’t quite know what that meant,” he said.

As a result, there was relatively little initial argument about whether the U.S. ought to be in Afghanistan in the first place, and therefore a more widespread acceptance of the idea that the U.S. had a responsibility to maintain stability there.

Inside the U.S., meanwhile, the reckoning over Guantanamo Bay and the U.S. torture program — eventually recognized as such by the Obama administration — would drag on for years. To this day, Gitmo holds 40 prisoners.

A multi-administration struggle

Four different U.S. presidents — Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and now Joe Biden — attempted to give a democratically elected Afghan government the tools it needed to keep an on-again, off-again insurgency at bay.

After Republican Bush left office in 2009, Obama, a Democrat, surged troops and contractors into the country in his first term, pushing the U.S. presence to more than 100,000 before announcing a drawdown years later that left a force about one-tenth of that size in the country.

Trump, a Republican, had campaigned on extracting the U.S. from its “forever wars” and initially said that he would be bringing all U.S. forces home. However, not long into his presidency, he reversed those plans out of fear that the country would become a “vacuum” that would attract terror groups.

Coming home

In April of this year, Democrat Biden announced that virtually all the remaining U.S. troops in the country would be brought home before September 11, 2021, the 20th anniversary of the attacks that triggered the war.

The tone of Biden’s comments when he announced the troop withdrawal was far from triumphalist.

“We cannot continue the cycle of extending or expanding our military presence in Afghanistan, hoping to create ideal conditions for the withdrawal, and expecting a different result,” he said. “I’m now the fourth United States president to preside over American troop presence in Afghanistan: two Republicans, two Democrats. I will not pass this responsibility on to a fifth.”

Posted in History, Security, Taliban, US-Afghanistan Relations |
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