Taliban fighters (file photo)
Afghanistan International: Nearly 25,000 security incidents have been recorded in Afghanistan during the four years since the Taliban returned to power, according to United Nations figures, with hundreds claimed by the Daesh’s local affiliate. The Taliban have repeatedly claimed they have established nationwide security, but independent sources and local observers say the violence persists. Click here to read more (external link).
Ghani
8am: The question is this: Was Ghani’s flight from the country and his surrender of power to the Taliban and the Haqqani Network not an act of national treason? Without question, it was. Click here to read more (external link).
By Kian Sharifi and Omid Marzban
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
August 16, 2025
The Taliban’s four-year quest for legitimacy received a major boost last month when Russia became the first country to formally recognize the group’s rule in Afghanistan.
While the Kremlin’s decision is largely symbolic, it could still yield strategic benefits for Moscow. Recognition allows Russia to project itself as a bold global power unafraid to challenge Western norms, especially after setbacks in regions like the Middle East.
By taking the initiative, Moscow aims to restore its reputation as an agenda-setter in international affairs, potentially encouraging other nations — particularly in Central Asia — to follow suit and normalize ties with the Taliban.
This could enhance Russia’s standing in Central Asia, where Afghanistan’s stability directly affects neighbors like Tajikistan, and position Moscow as a central player in regional diplomacy.
Will Russia’s Validation Trigger A Domino Effect?
In Central Asia, countries like Kazakhstan — already having delisted the Taliban as a terrorist group and engaged in high-level talks — appear poised to consider formal ties, driven by shared concerns over border security and stability.
Uzbekistan and Tajikistan also show signs of warming relations, potentially influenced by Moscow’s lead to foster collective counterterrorism efforts.
Beyond the region, Russian-aligned states such as Belarus, which has traditionally followed the Kremlin’s line, could join the recognition bandwagon.
Global powerhouse China has welcomed Russia’s move to recognize the Taliban government, saying it “aimed to pursue a policy of friendship with the Afghan people.” Yet Beijing has stopped short of explicitly stating whether that will include formal recognition.
In neighboring Iran, deep-seated public wariness toward the Taliban persists. While Tehran has maintained economic and diplomatic engagement, including hosting Taliban officials and facilitating trade, it has given no indication that it intends to follow Russia’s example.
Recognition by China or Iran is not imminent, but geopolitical pragmatism — spurred by Russia’s leap — could bring both countries closer over time, especially if Afghanistan stabilizes and aligns with their strategic interests.
Meanwhile, caution prevails among Arab states in the Persian Gulf. The United Arab Emirates, despite managing Afghan airports and accepting Taliban diplomats, remains hesitant due to its Western alliances. Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, prioritizes domestic reforms over risky diplomatic endorsements. Qatar and Oman continue pragmatic engagements but avoid full recognition to sidestep US scrutiny.
What’s In It For Russia?
Arguably the main gain for Moscow is strengthened collaboration against security threats, according to Aleksei Sakharov, a fellow with the Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation.
“The primary objective is to step up counterterrorism cooperation, specifically against ISKP,” he said, referring to the Islamic State-Khorasan Province militant group, the most active affiliate of IS.
In recent years, ISKP has expanded its operations beyond Afghanistan, drawing militants from Central Asian nations, especially Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. It notably claimed a high-profile attack in Russia in March 2024, when four militants targeted the Crocus City Hall concert venue outside Moscow, killing 145 people in a mass shooting, stabbing, and arson attack.
For the most part, though, Sakharov argued, the Kremlin’s recognition of the Taliban is “a symbolic gesture that does not guarantee any upgrade to Moscow’s position in Afghanistan.” While recognition may streamline partnerships, he said, much of the practical cooperation could have proceeded informally.
The Taliban, meanwhile, stands to gain considerably from this endorsement, which bolsters its quest for international legitimacy and could break the group’s diplomatic isolation — something that has raised concern among Afghan rights activists.
As the de facto rulers of Afghanistan for four years, the Taliban views Russia’s step as a validation of its governance, potentially unlocking broader economic engagement.
Moreover, the symbolic weight of recognition from a UN Security Council permanent member like Russia could improve the Taliban’s negotiating position in international forums, encouraging dealings without immediate demands for reforms on issues like women’s rights or inclusivity.
Former Afghan legislator Shukria Barakzai, who fled the country after the Taliban returned to power, warned that Russia could go as far as adopting positions at the UNSC that benefit only the Taliban.
“Russia has chosen to disregard women’s and human rights, prioritizing the interests of one group over those of the entire nation,” she told RFE/RL’s Radio Azadi.
She also dismissed speculation about Afghanistan reaping economic benefits from the Taliban being formally recognized by Russia, saying, “It is a mistake to think this will have economic benefits for Afghans.”
Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada
Afghanistan International: Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada has ordered the removal of the “acting” designation from all positions in the group’s administration, marking the fourth anniversary of its return to power. In a statement released Friday, Akhundzada directed ministers and officials to stop using the term when referring to the Taliban government. Since the cabinet was announced in September 2021, its members have served as “acting” ministers, a title Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid said in June was retained for political reasons. Click here to read more (external link).
More
Khaama: Around 400 Afghans awaiting relocation to Germany have been arrested in Pakistan, with several deported to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, sparking urgent calls from rights groups to halt removals and resume transfers. Click here to read more (external link).
Related
By Farangis Najibullah
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
August 15, 2025
Just before the Afghan capital fell to the Taliban in August 2021, RFE/RL spoke with several young professionals in Kabul who voiced their fears and anxieties about the future. We reconnected with them again this week to see how their lives have unfolded.
KABUL — Ahmad Dawood juggles several jobs, from selling fruit on the street to working as a kitchen porter, to make sure he can put food on the table.
Dawood, a dressmaker by profession, had to close his small tailoring shop in Kabul’s vibrant Lycee Maryam shopping district four years ago. Afghanistan’s new rulers, the ultra-conservative Taliban, don’t allow men to interact with women who are not their close relatives.
“I took my sewing machine home, so I still sew dresses for some of my old regulars,” Dawood said.
Dawood’s customers arrive “discreetly” at his house on a backstreet of the Khairkhana neighborhood, where the 28-year-old dressmaker lives with his elderly parents.
But Dawood’s business has dwindled significantly, “not only because of the fear of the Taliban” but also due to the crippling economic crisis and poverty that have plagued Afghanistan.
“Who thinks about new dresses when they don’t have bread?” Dawood said.
A lack of jobs and stringent restrictions of women and girls’ rights are key concerns under the Taliban-led government, according to several young professionals in Kabul who spoke to RFE/RL.
The Taliban, which returned to power after the collapse of the Western-backed government in Kabul in August 2021, has notoriously banned girls’ education beyond the elementary school.
Women are not allowed to travel without a male guardian, dine out on their own, or work for the foreign aid groups that once employed thousands of women across the country.
No Time For Hobbies
“Nowadays, the majority of the people of Afghanistan, including the middle class, survive on bread and tea,” said Naseem Karimi, a 29-year-old former teacher who lives in the Karte Se neighborhood.
Karimi worked at a private school in downtown Kabul and dreamt about writing a novel and traveling abroad. He described his life before the Taliban as “comfortable,” with an “adequate salary” and “plenty of free time” to spend on his hobbies: reading and attending poetry nights.
The school lost half of its students — the girls — after the ban on their education. Dozens of male students left the school, too, as their families could no longer afford private education.
Karimi quit his job in early 2022, as his “new salary didn’t even cover [his] bus fare.” He did not elaborate on what his current occupation is but said he has since worked “in various projects” and jobs, including physical labor.
“I don’t have a hobby or a dream anymore. I haven’t read a book for a long time,” Karimi told RFE/RL.
“I come home late and am tired from work. I eat and then go to bed and wake up early again for work the next day. I don’t even have time to chat with my family,” he said.
Karimi, who lives with his parents, wonders if he “will ever be able to get married,” because he has “become too poor to provide for a family” of his own.
Work Is For ‘My Freedom And Mental Health’
Zainab Ramz, 26, makes 10,000 afghani (about $150) a month working for a private radio station in Kabul.
Ramz lives with her parents and two younger siblings and said her modest salary barely covers the essentials of food and the minibus fare to commute to work. Her “occasional luxury” is ice cream with her friends on a sweltering summer day.
“But work is not only about money for me. It is about my freedom and preserving my mental health, [and] it gives purpose to my life,” she told RFE/RL.
Ramz didn’t leave her house for nearly six months after the Taliban took over the capital, just weeks after she graduated from the Kabul University with a degree in journalism.
“There were rumors that Taliban fighters rape or forcibly marry young women,” Ramz said. “People were very afraid in the first weeks and months, but it gradually changed.”
“A Taliban fighter once told us that when he first came to Kabul, he was surprised that the people of Kabul are Muslim and ‘normal’ too, contrary to what he and many of his fellow fighters had imagined,” she recalled.
Ramz is among the Afghan women who have returned to work in media, banks, hospitals, primary schools, and other state and private institutions. She wears a wide, ankle-length dress and a head scarf, the dress code dictated by the Taliban-led government.
“As a female journalist, I am not allowed to have one-on-one interviews with Taliban officials. I leave a message on officials’ phones asking for comments and they respond with voicemail. I can ask questions in press briefings,” Ramz said about her work.
Working in the Afghan media under the Taliban involves self-censorship, she said, such as avoiding strong criticism of the group’s leaders and its policies.
“We are not allowed to call them ‘the Taliban’ anymore in the media. It’s ‘the government’ now,” Ramz added.
‘There Is Less Corruption Now’
In Kabul’s Makroyan neighborhood, Sara Atazada attends a private English-language course and hopes to become a teacher at an elementary school for girls.
Private courses are the last remaining route to higher education for girls in Afghanistan. Atazada was unable to finish her studies at Kabul University due to the Taliban ban on educating females beyond elementary school.
“To sum it up: Our lives turned upside down in these four years. The economy is in turmoil. The health-care sector is collapsing. People struggle to find food,” Atazada said.
“But I have to hand it to the Taliban that security has improved under this government,” Atazada said, echoing a sentiment shared by the other young Kabul residents who spoke to RFE/RL.
“Also, there is a lot less corruption in the government structures now,” according the journalist Ramz.
In addition to the two decades of military conflict, Afghans faced the daily risk of suicide attacks and roadside bombings mostly blamed on the Taliban as it fought against the Western-backed government between 2001 and 2021.
“Yes, we achieved peace finally, but we also need to eat, we need opportunities and freedom,” said Karimi, the former teacher. “For now, it feels like we are missing out on the best years of our lives.”
Taliban militants (file photo)
Afghanistan International: The report alleges that the Taliban block and redirect aid to ensure it reaches Pashtun communities rather than Tajik and Hazara populations. It says only 30 to 40 percent of all aid sent to Afghanistan has reached those truly in need. The United States has provided nearly $4 billion in humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan over the past four years. “Taliban use every means at their disposal, including force, to ensure that aid goes where they want it to go, as opposed to where donors intend,” the report states. It adds that the group approaches humanitarian aid distribution with an ethnic bias, favouring Pashtun-majority areas at the expense of other regions and ethnic minorities. According to SIGAR, an Afghan aid worker was killed for revealing that a Taliban military camp had stolen food aid. Click here to read more (external link).